Published in the Weekly Journal Sobhe Andishe, Issue 330 – July 3, 2021
Fereydoun Farahani: urban design doctoral researcher – master’s degree in architecture
The history of Iranian music is replete with numerous ups and downs and various conflicts. Prior to the fall of the Qajar dynasty and the inception of the Constitutional Revolution, the art of music was wholly bound to the royal court and positions of power, and was ruled based on the whims of government. Among the ordinary people, a lower form of this art could have been seen in the form of minstrels, gypsies and buskers who would perform at various public and private celebrations.
Another form of music only had the chance to manifest itself in society in relation to religion, and religious rituals such passion-plays, elegy, homilies, and reciting the Quran provided the basis for this form of art to stay alive. Especially, in certain periods in Iran’s history when music (mostly instrumental music) was banned and announced Haram and musicians would receive severe punishments. The Safavid era is considered one such pitiful ear for music; so much so that under the reign of Shah Tahmasp of Safavid, this form of art was altogether banned, and as a document of this dark period for the art of music we shall only refer to one of the decrees issued by Shah Tahmasp to the governors of provinces in the year 1556 A.D. (963 in the lunar calendar).
“except for the Naqareh Khaanehs (Trumpet playing towers – used mainly for religious purposes) in the Guarded Domains (Official name of Iran under the Safavid dynasty), in no other place shall a horn or instrument be played, and if it becomes apparent that any individual has made an instrument, it shall be known as an offense, even if it is Daf.” (Quoted from Falsafi, 1985, 1&2: 630)
Of course, during these times, “ceremonial music was also banned in society; however, it would be played in the royal court and certain ceremonies, including the wedding ceremonies of princes and princesses, asylum seeking of prominent figures, etc.” (Meysami, 2010: 33). This trend was adjusted during the Qajar era; however, it was still in the same spirit that did not even recognize music with having an independent identity, let alone considering a social and human role for this art. In the Qajar era, music was still only seen among the ordinary people and the lowest form of colloquialism and mockery, or it was used by the royal court for their own enjoyment. The finer form of music was left with religion or in the private gatherings of poets and mystics. To put it in a nutshell, music always had an unfinished identity and could never establish a direct and immediate relationship with society.
But the Constitutional Revolution of Iran changed everything. It was during this period that music was able to come to people for the first time and officially claim its belonging to society. Aref Qazvini (Iranian poet (1882-1934)) is considered a pioneer in this trend. He paved a path which was continued by others even after him. But the political ups and downs and societal changes prevented this art to play its proper role in society.
The official media outlets of the country, which following the establishment of national radio on May 9, 1940, would carry the art of music through radio waves to people’s ears, slowly came to be predominated by the government. As such, with the development of capitalism and consumerism, music was propelled toward a type of music totally devoid of social or political issues in their explicit form. As consumer-driven environments for entertaining music such as discos or cabarets became more prevalent in different cities of Iran, young people were attracted ever more to these places where there were no traces of drama and fever seen in society. This period led to yet another void of music’s role in the contemporary society of Iran. An approach that lowered music to a mere position of a phenomenon to be consumed, for entertainment, and narcotization, and its progression could prevent the young generation from ever pondering their social awareness and responsibility. This tactic was also tried in the 80s, and music came to have a total materialistic aspect for consumerism and narcotization. As a result, Iranian music lost its status of prominence more and more, and government media outlets, which have previously been in favor of music limitations, supported the lowliest forms of music.
In the years leading up to the fall of the Second Pahlavi, there was a social rise against consumerism by the intellectuals, leftists, and Islamic ideology; a rise which came to fruition in the Islamic Revolution of 1979.
So far, in the writings on this topic, we discussed the social role of music in Iran up to the later years in the 1970s and the turmoil of the revolution, and we sought out the footprint of this art in the rebellious spirit of those years.
As it was previously pointed out, 1960s were the cradle for the inception of a comprehensive discourse with an approach to “return to oneself” in the culture and art of Iran. A phenomenon which was in fact a reaction to the progression of Westernization in governments in the previous decades, especially 1940s and 1950s.
“Objection to extreme Westernization and attention to local and national culture and customs manifested itself in many fields of art; in the field of painting, a form of miniature and calligraphy art inspired by Iranian miniature and calligraphy was formed. In cinema, some artists created films with cultural and local motives. And in the field of architecture, some architects paid attention to Iranian architecture.” (Soltanzade et al., 2017: 5)
Iranian music has not been immune to this wave and traditionalist approaches became stronger with the intention to go back to Qajar era and the lost originality and authenticity of Iranian music. However, unlike other fields, this approach manifested itself differently in Iranian music; in a way that under a decade, this approach became too radical, and as was mentioned in the last writing regarding this topic, it led to the destruction of other artistic trends in music. A phenomenon that was not seen in the visual arts, and the school of Saghakhane (Artistic movement that was prominent in the 1960s.) sought out to offer a new discourse rooted in the customs of the past without destroying other methods.
“The school of Saghakhane, which came to prominence following the 1960s, was looking for a revitalized narrative of visual patterns in Iranian art. In the beginning, this movement focused its attention on a form of common art; but gradually it came to include works of art decorated with traditional patterns including Persian calligraphy.” (Maleki, 2010: 67)
However, in the music society, two poles of sensational traditionalism and modernism were formed, such that the traditionalist movement, with a more radical approach, played an important role in the elimination of the modernist movement in the Iranian music concurrent to the political turmoil of the Islamic revolution and the events which followed.
However, in the music society, two poles of sensational traditionalism and modernism were formed, such that the traditionalist movement, with a more radical approach, played an important role in the elimination of the modernist movement in the Iranian music concurrent to the political turmoil of the Islamic revolution and the events which followed.
This part of the history of Iranian music is quite thought-provoking on its own, and perhaps it is one of the most important reasons why the path toward the development of music is closed in our time. It means that ever since the Constitutional Revolution, there has never been a proper and practical contemplation among artistic customs and modern phenomena; as a result, there has always been a suppressant and destructive conflict between the two poles of fundamentalism and modernism. This, in turn, has made the environment for discourse and debate quite hazy, and in the commercialized basis formed in recent years, the path has been opened only to ones who seek greed in this form of art. Therefore, this historical period in the Iranian music shall be overlooked, and it should be brought under examination as a historical mistake.
Examination and analysis of the contemporary history of Iranian music with this approach can be the key to the future so that we do not repeat the mistakes of the past, nor relate all the issues to the cultural management and the ruling government.
Continuation of the discussion on the social role of Iranian music in later years of the 1970s:
During this period, with the growth of pop music in different genres, the Second Pahlavi government would come along with the traditionalist discourse of going back to the Qajar era, even though there were certain constraints put in place with regard to the poetry and the political content, so any mention of the government in art, especially music, must have been without political critique and protest. Shriaz and Toos Art Festivals were considered a great basis for extremely traditionalist music, and people like Shajarian, Lotfi, Alizade, and Meshkatian provided a narrative of Iranian music which was at odd with the one put forth by Gola (Golha radio program was a station of broadcast on an Iranian government-owned radio station 1956 to 1979.) radio program.
During the 1970s, Mohammad Reza Shajarian and Mohammad Reza Lotfi had managed to preserve their connection to the official and governmental music organizations and also remain close with The Center for Preserving and Disseminating Traditional Iranian Music. However, following the resignation of Mohammad Reza Shajarian from the national radio and television on September 8, 1978, the return of these two figures to the traditions of the Qajar era Iranian music was accompanied by a rebellious and protestation spirit. As such they regarded the Constitutional Revolution period as their main source of approach. From that point forward, Chavosh art collective, under the management of Lotfi, turned into a hub for the creation of music pieces created with Iranian instruments; of course they were rife with political protestation themes. The basement of Lotfi’s house was where Aref and Sheyda groups practiced, and where other artists such as Parviz Meshkatian and Hossein Alizade join this collective.
Some people even bring criticism to the music created in this period, which started from art festivals and The Center for Preserving and Disseminating Traditional Iranian Music and went to “Chavoshes” (Referring to the musicians in the Chavosh club.) during the revolution, and regard them as “regression movement in Iranian music.” In this view, going back to the Qajar era and even the Constitutional Revolution era in the 1970s is considered to have a social veneer; when in fact, it was regarded as a form of regression by overlooking the developments of music in the previous decades. A majority of these critics of the so-called regression were great artists who were gradually put aside as a result of the policies of the radio and television at the time, and finally, following the revolution, they were eliminated from the musical landscape of Iran for a long time. Artists who were not optimistic about these changes in music and believed that the fruit of their endeavors for the growth and development of Iranian music would be neglected by this regression.
Now, after four decades have passed from those times, a better analysis and judgement can be made as to what happened to this art.
References:
- Soltanzade, Hossein et al. (2017). Tradition and Modernism in the Architecture of Islamic Countries, essay collections. Tehran: Qazvin Azad University Publication.
- Falsafi, Nasrollah (1985). The Life of Shah Abbas I, volumes 1 and 2. Tehran: Mohammad Ali Elmi.
- Maleki, Tooka (2010). The Modernist Art of Iran. Tehran: Nazar.
- Meysami, Seyyed Hossein (2010). Music in Safavid Era. Tehran: Iranian Academy of the Arts
Referencing in APA standard:
Farahani, Fereydoun (2021). The Social Role of Iranian Music, Weekly Journal Sobhe Andishe, Issue 330, July 3, 2021, p. 6, Isfahan: Gofteman Ansideh Moaser
